The emperor’s surprising beneficence

What do we make of China’s agreeable truce?

Who’s zooming who?

For the last couple of months, I’ve been troubled by China’s surprise retreat in the trade war with Donald Trump. Not that the “temporary truce” was seen as such by the consensus commentariat who described it instead as President Trump “blinking” in the face of Chinese superiority or as a US “climbdown.”11 But it’s hard to view the agreed outcome as anything other than a Chinese capitulation given the final tariff disparity: the US keeps a 30% general tariff – in addition to the 25% Section 301 tariffs on selected items still in place from President Trump’s first term – and a 50% tariff on all steel and aluminium content, autos and parts; while China retains a 10% general tariff in addition to its remaining retaliatory tariffs from the US Section 301 tariffs.22

It’s not the wrongness of the consensus that bothers me – that’s a normal day at the office – but rather the question of why China, the country with the superior hand, appears to have backed down, even if only temporarily.

Despite an arsenal of economic weapons…

Over three-decades, China has carefully cultivated formidable weapons of economic warfare. Most threatening are its near monopoly positions in the refinement of rare earths and critical minerals like antimony, cobalt, Gallium, Germanium, graphite, lithium, and nickel. These commodities are essential to the production of batteries, windmills, solar panels, electric motors, and permanent magnets used in an array of high-tech manufacturers. China also maintains supply dominance in specialty chemicals indispensable to refrigerants, aerospace coatings and semiconductors; and in active pharmaceutical ingredients and antibiotics crucial to modern medicine. Were China to shut off US access to these vital inputs, US manufacturing – including of backlogged advanced weapons systems – would come to an abrupt halt and the US healthcare system would face acute, life-threatening shortages.

…China capitulated

While China did impose restrictions on exports of rare earths, several critical minerals and permanent magnets as an early step in its rapid escalation ladder following President Trump’s “Liberation Day,” it did not use the full scope of its economic weapons, and little more than a month later, as part of the temporary truce, promised to speed necessary approvals for exports to the US of restricted items. China continues to emphasize that expedited export approvals – which were being slow walked despite the agreement – are only temporary.33 Furthermore, the US also agreed to rescind its retaliatory restrictions on semiconductor-design software, aircraft engines and ethane (a plastics and chemicals feedstock). But President Trump publicly declared that US waivers were contingent on fulfilment of Chinese export approvals.44

Just given its overwhelming “escalation dominance” in trade economics, China’s willingness to unwind its export restrictions without full US capitulation is perplexing. But for a country that invested its national prestige in rapid-fire, tit-for-tat escalation of both rhetoric and actions following Liberation Day, the Chinese climbdown to accept starkly unequal tariffs while lifting its boot from the American economic jugular represents a shocking loss of face. What explains that?

Why?

For the world’s second largest economy and population, China can be surprisingly opaque. I can postulate a number of theories to explain China’s standdown, but most don’t seem to hold up to scrutiny.

Xi Jinping really is Winnie the Pooh

Maybe I simply misread the intent of China’s leadership. Maybe China is not an expansionist power that has waged three decades of economic warfare against the US while building a parallel international architecture to supplant its post-War liberal order. Instead, the People’s Republic of China seeks de-escalation and return to business as usual under the US-led rules-based order after ego and the heat of the moment led to an unwanted escalation. This explanation seems unlikely given that Chinese officials from President Xi down – most recently at the BRICS Summit – continue to call for replacement of the US-centric international order, that China has undertaken one of the most aggressive military expansions in world history, and that it aggressively bullies its neighbors from the South China Sea and to the Galwan Valley of India.

Ploy to delay…

Alternatively, China could be biding time, to delay Western industrialization, to await a more favorable time to deploy its economic arsenal, or to prepare for something bigger.

Western reindustrialization…

It seems unlikely that the truce is just a means to delay Western reindustrialization by releasing only enough critical materials to undermine incentives for rebuilding. Allowing still-high US tariffs to continue to be applied to Chinese exports amid the threat of withheld supply would seem to provide plenty of incentive for the US to rebuild capacity.

For a more opportune time…

Similarly, when might China have a more opportune time to wield the industrial advantage it has built over 30 years? American allies’ anger at the US arguably was at its apex following Liberation Day; US weapons stockpiles have been dangerously depleted by the Ukraine and Middle Eastern wars;55 the negative effects US tariffs have on China’s international standing as they divert more of China’s excess capacity towards third countries increases with time (i.e. the “tariff funnel”); and every passing day is one closer to the US and other countries finding solutions to or building capacity to address to their vulnerabilities to China’s monopolization of critical industries.

Preparing for “Unrestricted Warfare”…

More worryingly, the truce may be a feint until China is ready for “Unrestricted Warfare,” i.e. not just economic but potentially kinetic warfare in a move to seize Taiwan. In this view, China’s climbdown on trade talks was a tactical retreat to better set up its strategic preparation for a final showdown over Taiwan. Imports of Western software for chip design, jet engines and ethane may not be critical to near-term economic functioning but could be part of a broader stockpiling effort to prepare for a potential interruption of trade in the Western Pacific when China embargos or seizes Taiwan. China’s ongoing stockpiling of primary commodities reinforces this thesis.66

I can’t dismiss that keeping its eyes on the larger prize is the motivation for China’s willingness to accept a humiliating even if temporary truce. But there are two sound reasons to question that as the cause. First, China has made impressive progress towards its goal of effective self-sufficiency under the “Made in China 2025” campaign. Despite extensive American export controls China’s national champion, Huawei, recently introduced a new microprocessor to rival the top NVIDIA chips and a state-backed startup, DeepSeek, launched an LLM that challenges the top US AI firms at a fraction of the price. The share of primary commodities in total Chinese imports has doubled from 15% in 2000 to over 30% recently, illustrating the country’s shift towards manufacturing self-sufficiency. It seems unlikely that US retaliatory controls on software, engines and plastic feedstocks are critical to China at this stage.

Second and more importantly, it would be strange for China’s leadership to be undisciplined enough to engage in a short-sighted escalation like that in April only to reassert discipline a month later. Even the EU did not impose – only pass and threaten – retaliatory tariffs before engaging in negotiation with the US after Liberation Day. Not only would China’s unnecessary escalation and subsequent capitulation represent an embarrassing loss of face, particularly for President Xi, given his frequent invocation of “eat bitterness” as a path to overcome Western dominance, but it would be uncharacteristically rash.77

Or, China is a lot more fragile than I thought

There is one more explanation that, despite the lack of direct supporting evidence, is more difficult to dismiss: China is far more fragile socially, politically or economically – or all of the above – than I thought.

Unlike many others, I see most Chinese economic policy as driven by national security interests. Under that view the economic inefficiency of its extensive industrial policies is a feature, not a bug, designed to rapidly scale China’s industrial base for warfare while undermining those of its strategic competitors and to accelerate China’s technological advancement. This is extraordinarily costly in terms of Chinese economic welfare – literally trillions of dollars likely have been lost to intentional investment in over capacity – but it has propelled China from an underdeveloped, technology-importing also-ran to the world’s largest manufacturer, a major innovator and peer competitor to the United States in less than a quarter century.

Is half a year’s growth a hardship?

Seen in that light, even complete cessation of exports to the US – which was certainly possible with 145% tariffs – would cost China just over 2 percentage points of GDP, or about half a year’s (officially reported) growth. A small price to pay after three decades of eating far larger economic losses. By comparison, full application of China’s economic weapons likely would have brought the US economy to a screeching halt within months. President Xi often remarks that the Chinese people are far more willing to eat bitterness than Americans, a view seemingly validated by the US inability to address its livelihood and national-security threatening budget deficit even in a booming economy with full employment.88 Yet, it was China that ultimately retreated.

“However improbable…”

As Sherlocke Holmes said, “When you have eliminated the impossible, whatever remains, however improbable, must be the truth.”99 While I cannot fully eliminate the “long-game” strategic incentive, its implication that Chinese policy in April represented hasty egotism that yielded quickly to face-losing capitulation shortly thereafter seems less plausible than China facing an internal crisis that a full-blown trade war might make acute.

Potential sources of crisis: Economic…

If an internal crisis is the cause of China’s standdown, then the question turns to the nature of the crisis. There are three possibilities.

The most obvious (and least dangerous) is a debt crisis created by decades of industrial policy. Because capital controls create a closed system with a single credit guarantor, the Communist Party (CCP), China’s economy is resilient to most forms of acute debt crisis like bank runs or capital flight. But losses ultimately accrue somewhere and China’s lethargic (and likely overreported) growth for the last decade is consistent with amortization of those losses through a Japan-style “lost decade.” But subsidization of industry has continued unabated, accruing further losses and building stresses within the system.

In the last two years, Chinese authorities have announced with much fanfare policies to support growth that do little to change the underlying problem: national-security-based industrial subsidies for industrial and technological development. But in the last week cracks have begun to appear in Beijing’s commitment to that policy: multiple official and semi-official bodies have decried the price wars their subsidies created.1010 The timing, following at least temporary capitulation in the US trade war, suggests that the two might be related and that the economic stresses within China’s system are becoming acute.

Political…

But there also are recent rumors of political turmoil. Unsourced reports suggest that Party elders are preparing to strip President Xi of titles and perhaps CCP leadership at the annual Party retreat in Beidaihe later this month or early in August.1111 Similar rumors circulated ahead of the 2023 Beidaihe conclave, yet proved unfounded,1212 while other recent reports suggest that Xi’s control of the party and campaign of purges is proceeding unchecked by opposing CCP factions.1313 Further, President Xi’s consolidation of power at the 20th National Congress seemed total: not only was he reappointed to an unprecedented third consecutive term as president but he purged all other CCP factions from the two top decision-making bodies, the People’s Standing Committee and the Politburo.1414

Or both combining in the provinces

While President’s Xi’s grip on the Party at the national level may be iron, Beijing’s practice of forcing systemic losses down to provincial governments combined with intensifying economic pressures may be creating local factions that threaten power and could be the source of a possible crisis. As I have often noted, the bloodiest human conflicts of each of the last three centuries were Chinese civil wars started when a regional elite challenged the emperor in Beijing, usually over economic spoils.

Four high-impact, uncertain implications

This is what ultimately troubles me about China’s trade capitulation: a process of elimination leads me to four high-impact outcomes with unknowable probabilities (Uncertainty): (1) imminent war over Taiwan; (2) an economic crisis (that could precipitate political turmoil as well); (3) a leadership shuffle in Beijing that might presage a sharp change in China’s policies; or (4) a protracted leadership struggle or even civil war in the world’s second largest economy with the world’s largest military.

What might I be missing? How do you explain China’s surprising, even if temporary, capitulation on trade? Let me know in the comments.

1

Trump forced to bargain with China as US mourns loss of supremacy,” Terry Su, South China Morning Post, 21 May 2025; “Did Donald Trump Lose China Trade War? 10 Experts Weigh In,” Hugh Cameron, Newsweek, 13 May 2025; “Don’t Be Fooled: The China-US Trade War Is Here to Stay,” “‘Trump Was Forced to Back off’: Even Fox Business Reporter Thinks President Caved on China Tariffs,” Leigh Kimmins, The Daily Beast, 13 May 2025; Li Qiang, The Diplomat, 13 May 2025; “I think it’s very clear that it’s President Trump who blinked…” Lawrence H. Summers (@LHSummers), X, 13 May 2025; “The Tariff Climbdown: Six Takeaways From Economists and Analysts,” Ed Ballard , The Wall Street Journal, 12 May 2025; “The Great Trump Tariff Rollback,” editorial, The Wall Street Journal, 12 May 2025; and “Trump might claim China tariff victory – but this is Capitulation Day,” Heather Stewart, The Guardian, 12 May 2025.

2

Breaking Down the US-China Trade Tariffs: What’s in Effect Now?China Briefing, updated as of 30 June 2025; “Joint Statement on U.S.-China Economic and Trade Meeting in Geneva,” The White House, 12 May 2025.

3

China’s tighter export controls squeeze wider range of rare earths,” Edward White, Financial Times, 30 June 2025; “Exclusive: US-China trade truce leaves military-use rare earth issue unresolved, sources say,” Laurie Chen & Fanny Potkin, Reuters, 16 June 2025; and “China Puts Six-Month Limit on Its Ease of Rare-Earth Export Licenses,” Lingling Wei, Brian Schwartz & Gavin Bade, The Wall Street Journal, 11 June 2025.

4

Chip software makers say US restrictions on sales to China lifted,” Thomas Hale & Christian Davies, Financial Times, 3 July 2025; and “As trade war truce with China holds, US lifts curbs for chip design software and ethane,” Karen Freifeld & Surbhi Misra, Reuters, 3 July 2025.

5

Pentagon pause on arms shipments to Ukraine part of a global review of pressures on stockpiles,” Tara Copp, Associated Press, 2 July 2025.

6

China boosts nickel reserves as tensions with US simmer,” A. Anatha Lakshmi, Harry Dempsey, Cheng Leng, & Camilla Hodgson, Financial Times, 3 July 2025.

7

Quotes from Xi’s speech,” China Daily, 7 July 2021; and “Xi’s APEC speech seen as a masterstroke of diplomacy,” Xu Weiwei, China Daily, 21 November 2023.

8

Ibid and “China is ready to ‘eat bitterness’ in the trade war. What about the US?” Dexter Tiff Roberts, The New Atlanticist, 10 April 2025.

9

The Sign of the Four, Sir Arthur Conan Doyle, Penguin Classics, October 2001.

10

China’s Auto Manufactures Association Calls for Fair Competition Amid Rising Concerns of Price Wars,” Beijing Post, 7 July 2025; “BYD’s new price war triggers backlash from industry and regulators,” Adrian Leung,CarNewsChina, 3 June 2025; “China’s industry ministry is set to tackle price war in solar sector,” Reuters, 3 July 2025; “China Communist Party Magazine Calls for Crackdown on Price Wars,” Reuters/Newsweek, 2 July 2025; “Even China’s top leadership has had enough of companies’ aggressive price-cutting,” Huileng Tan, Business Insider, 2 July 2025; and “Xi Jinping wages war on price wars,” The Economist, 30 June 2025.

11

Beidaihe in Turmoil, CCP on High Alert – U.S. Officials Predict Xi Jinping May Step Down in August,” Li Qiang, People News, 1 July 2025; “CCP Senior Officials Hold Secret Meeting in Luoyang,” Xiao Xi, People News, 4 June 2025; and “Xi Jinping, Power Struggles and Successor Lists in the CCP,” Jennifer Zeng, Japan Forward, 26 May 2025.

12

China, ‘Nikkei’ reveals: Xi Jinping reprimanded by senior leaders of the Communist Party,” Nova News, 6 September 2023.

13

Xi Jinping’s Purges Have Escalated. Here’s Why They Are Unlikely to Stop,” Guoguang Wu, Asia Society Policy Institute, 26 February 2025.

14

Xi’s Loyalists, A Breakdown of China’s New Leadership,” Rahul Karan Reddy, Organization for Research on China and Asia, 3 November 2022.

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Economic and market forecasts:

Economic & market forecasts
  • Sustained higher US rates, vulnerability of backend rates and term premia to steepening in H2 2023: Are we there yet?

  • No recession, continued strength of US economy throughout 2023: Solved: Drivers of the dollar cycle; Clash of the Themes; Are we there yet?; Opportunity knocks: Are you listening?; Götterdämmerung.

  • No backtracking or “pivot” by the Fed in 2023: Solved: Drivers of the dollar cycle; Clash of the Themes; Are we there yet?; Opportunity knocks: Are you listening?; Götterdämmerung.

  • No banking crisis or reversal by the Fed following the failures of Silicon Valley Bank: Did QE cause bank failures? Opportunity knocks: Are you listening?

  • No new “Plaza Accord” resulting from US dollar strength and Fed rate hikes in 2022: Plaza 2.0 bid, not offered.

  • No default by Nigeria before or in the aftermath of the 2023 national elections: Debt reality versus perceptions.

  • The continued fall in US real rates through the 2000s and early 2010s. Themes & framework: Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and the associated $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere undermined the marginal product of capital in the US while simultaneously increasing non-US demand for US Treasuries.

  • Emerging market outperformance in the 2000s. Themes & framework: Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) drove both the development of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere and the commodity supercycle, while Apex neoliberalism supported institutional reforms that lowered EM risk premia, all of which encouraged foreign direct investment that raised productivity and led to rapid economic growth.

  • The end of emerging markets’ “original sin” and growth of EM local bond markets, a development supported by a G7 initiative that I led at the US Treasury. Themes & framework: The $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere provided a new stability in many EM exchange rates while institutional reforms undertaken by many as part of Apex neoliberalism lowered EM risk premia.

  • The Global Financial Crisis (albeit see admission of errors below). Themes & framework: Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere simultaneously increased incentives for debt finance in the US (as demand for “safe” USD bonds rose globally) while undermining US means of repayment as the US marginal product of capital in traded goods fell. Combined with poorly designed bank regulation that allowed banks to leverage themselves well beyond regulators’ intent (Apex neoliberalism), “complexity cascaded”.

  • The failure of QE to generate post-GFC inflation. Themes & framework: Believing is being: inflation expectations were stable to falling amid deleveraging and associated lethargic income growth, lowering real interest rates as nominal rates were pinned at the zero lower bound, and implying sustained weak money demand. Stuffing banks with more reserves changed none of those variables. As Keynes described seven decades earlier – in the absence of negative nominal rates – monetary policy at the zero lower bound is equivalent to “pushing on a string”.

  • The lack of effect of balance sheet runoff on interest rates. Themes & framework: Believing is being and portfolio theory rejected the then dominant “portfolio balance” theory of QE. QE was a credible commitment by central banks to keep rates on hold, suppressing expectations for future rates and thus the yield curve. This is why the “Taper Tantrum” had its largest effects on 3-5 year forward rates as expectations for rates hiked rose, while long-dated forward rates fell. Measures of long-dated term premia continued to fall as the Fed reduced its balance sheet.

  • Peak Chinese growth in 2011. Themes & framework: Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) led to unsustainable contributions of investment to GDP and a collapse in China’s marginal product of capital amid historically large debt to GDP, a phenomenon that peaked with China’s 50% surge in domestic credit in response to the GFC. Domestic funding of its debt trapped China within its own financial repression scheme, frustrating its efforts to unwind its $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere and internationalization the renminbi as a closed capital account is required to avoid savings flight and a collapse of the debt bubble. This self-funded debt bubble implies that losses from consequent overinvestment are “amortized” in the form of slower growth.

  • Emerging Market underperformance of the last decade (and likely future decade). Themes & framework: Institutional reform in EM peaked with US policy credibility before the GFC under Apex neoliberalism; China’s peak within Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) in 2011 and the associated end of the commodity supercycle ended the “pack” economic benefits of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere, while simultaneously the advent of Localization began to shift production back to advanced economies. Amid stagnating growth and backsliding reforms, EM FX and asset prices looked (and continue to look) overvalued and risk spreads remain too thin.

  • Falling USD reserve share in the 2000s and a rising share since peak China. Themes & framework: The massive reserve accumulation required to sustain undervalution of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere came to be seen as “sovereign wealth” that required diversification, rather than a liquidity store for crises, and led to a consequent fall in the USD share of reserves. Yet the greater financial openness and cross-border claims that accompanied the Apex neoliberalism necessarily implied a proportional increase in capital outflows in periods of risk aversion; i.e. historically large reserves were not as large as perceived in reality. As China and the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere slowed after 2011, and Global entropy increased Uncertainty with attendant effects on risk aversion, emerging markets learned painfully in 2014 that reserves were neither excess nor sovereign wealth, but instead necessary liquidity, and that the USD’s safe haven properties were unparalleled.

  • Low and falling inflation throughout the 2010s. Themes & framework: Missingflation, the unexplained trend component of global inflation that had led to two decades of inflation overforecasting by economists, showed no signs of abating and seemed to be caused by a continued slide in inflation expectations (Believing is being) as central banks struggled with the zero lower bound. The end of the trend would require both for central banks to make more credible commitment to raise inflation in conjunction with a sustained positive inflation shock.

  • The (trend) bottoming of long-term US real rates, higher-than-expected peak in Fed funds rates and US equity outperformance in the last decade. Themes & framework: China’s peak in 2011 under Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and the dissolution of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere ended the trend of falling US real rates they had created. But it wasn’t until Localization gathered sufficient steam – and the US private sector had deleveraged – that US openness and technological leadership sufficiently raised US returns to capital to support a rise in US real rates. The Trump administration’s political support (Politics of Rage) for Localization gave another nudge to US relative returns to capital, and Covid again accelerated these phenomena further (and likely more sustainably).

  • The capitulation of Saudi Arabia’s price leadership/management in 2014 in the face of surging US tight oil production leading to lower and more volatile crude oil prices. Themes & framework: The end of the commodity supercycle brought about by peak China under Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) paused relentless crude oil demand growth, allowing innovation and a business-friendly US regime to undermined Saudi Arabia’s price leadership with tight oil production. Cartel dynamics combined with Saudi Arabia’s long-run price maximization led to a collapse in Saudi-enforced OPEC discipline, and lower, more volatile crude oil prices.

  • Financial volatility’s shift to a lower median level with more frequent, shorter explosions during the last decade. Themes & framework: Rising Uncertainty in politics (Politics of Rage), geopolitics (Global entropy), technology (Localization), and policy (Missingflation) amid Complexity cascades shifted the relative shares of total risk away from quantifiable sources towards unquantifiable sources; the counter-intuitive implication of rising uncertainty is lower median volatility as active risk taking retreats in information lulls, with violent explosions of price activity when new information is revealed.

  • Persistence of post-Covid supply constraints and sustainable inflation supported by rearview-mirror central bank policies leading to a flip in the direction of Missingflation. Themes & framework: Covid simultaneously accelerated both the economic and political motivations for Localization, caused a permanent shift in the structure of global demand, and disrupted existing global supply chains. Short-run aggregate supply could not adjust to the jump in investment and shift in demand quickly enough, creating prolonged shortages and the need for prices to curtail demand. The associated cost-push inflation was all the spark needed to ignite Believing is being changes in inflation expectation driven by central banks’ backward-looking policies based on a lack of understanding of Missingflation.

  • The Fed’s post-Covid rate cycle would be more like 1994 than the post-2000 gradualist cycles (a call I made in early 2021). Themes & framework: The intent of the Fed’s FAIT policy always was to boost long-run inflation expectations by falling “behind the curve” on inflation. Yet their lack of understanding of the causes of Missingflation and insufficient faith in their own ability to generate Believing is being kept them focused on “fighting the last war” too long, allowing inflation to run too hot, too quickly. But contrary to market conventional wisdom, inflation is deeply politically unpopular in an aging society and no central banker wants to be remembered as failing to control inflation. Accordingly, the Fed (eventually) will react forcefully to contain the Believing is being genie they underestimated.

  • Consistent underperformance of European economy, assets and the euro since the Global Financial Crisis. Themes & framework: Relative to trend growth, Europe was more highly indebted than the US, yet European policymakers too long considered the GFC an “American problem”. Combined with Europe’s greater institutional rigidities and a reluctance to write down bad assets, it would take proportionately longer to achieve necessary deleveraging. China’s 2011 peak within Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and the rise of Localization undermined all parts of Europe: the globalization-dependent South and China-dependent North, while inflexibility and low levels of technological innovation inhibit Europe’s ability to adjust to the new global economic order.

  • UK outperformance of consensus Brexit forecasts. Themes & framework: Consensus forecast for post-Brexit UK were based on three flawed assumptions (due to underappreciation of themes!). First, by ignoring emergent Localization, growth forecasts grounded in Apex neoliberalism wrongly assumed globalization would continue to be a major driver of economic growth. Second, the consensus failed to acknowledge the UK’s long-run structural competitiveness: world-leading universities providing a technological edge in Localization; and strong, enduring institutions offering safety and stability amid Global entropy and rising Uncertainty. Third, the consensus, ironically, ignored the largest driver of trade (by a wide margin) in their own models: “gravity”, or proximity to trading partners. Network effects are extraordinarily powerful in trade and difficult to overcome.

  • Importance and implications for markets of Scottish independence referendum in 2014. Themes & framework: As one of the earliest manifestations of the Politics of Rage and its demands for greater political representation, the Scottish referendum was an unanticipated shock to markets and one of the first signs of Global entropy and the Uncertainty to come.

Global entropy

Manifest and growing disorder

By ignoring the endogeneity of complex systems and Rodrick’s globalization trilemma – that democracy, national self-determination, and economic globalization cannot enduringly coexist – Apex neoliberalism sowed the seeds of its own demise, leading to today’s manifest and growing global disorder: the end of Post-World War II international rules, rising ethnonationalism, multipolarity, the Politics of Rage, and the unwinding of globalized supply chains. In short, Huntington’s Clash of Civilizations trumped Fukuyama’s End of History. Apex neoliberalism facilitated rising trade-to-income ratios, cross-border capital flows, intergovernmental cooperation, and intra-economy income inequality; while simultaneously lowering financial spreads, inter-economy income inequality, and inter-state warfare. Global entropy likely will reverse many of these effects.

Missingflation

Economists don’t understand inflation

What are economists missing about inflation? In the two decades before Covid, market analysts, academic economists and central banks consistently overforecast inflation; in the last two years they have persistently underforecast it. Enduring one-way errors are not “white noise”; they demonstrate bias and strongly suggest that economists’ current understanding of inflation is flawed. Demographics, globalization and technology help to explain some of the forecast miss, but significant omitted variable bias remains, most likely due to failure to explicitly incorporate Believing is being.

Believing is being

Self-fulfilling beliefs are real

Beliefs drive everything from asset bubbles, to debt dynamics, to crypto currencies’ values, to inflation and hyperinflations (probably Missingflation, too). Good economists understand this but often omit beliefs from models to simplify because of the difficulty in measuring beliefs. Unfortunately, too many bad economists copy those models without understanding the potential for omitted variable bias. The rapid social, technological, political, and geopolitical changes behind Global entropy and Uncertainty are swiftly shifting beliefs, driving a feedback loop of economic and political outcomes. Yet the infrequency of these deviations and difficulty in measuring them make statistical modeling nearly impossible. Only through economic theory and full-spectrum information collection can we infer when and how beliefs are adjusting and their likely effects.

Complexity cascades

Complex systems fail unpredictably

Human societies, nation states and (especially) economies are examples of complex systems. Complex systems always operate in “broken” mode and ironically are more structurally stable when they have lots of small failures. But when they are subjected to massive or cascading shocks, complex systems can fail unpredictably and totally. Covid and manifest Global entropy represent self-reinforcing mammoth shockwaves that imply systemic collapses – in all spheres, socio-political, geopolitical, economic, and financial – are more likely than the consensus admits.

Uncertainty

Not all risks can be quantified

All risks are not the same. Some are quantifiable, like the chance of being dealt an ace in a game of cards. Others are not but can be subjectively guessed, like the chance you leave a casino a winner. Then there is uncertainty, the most dangerous of all risks because it is by definition, non-quantifiable: what is the chance the casino gets hit by a meteor? Apex neoliberalism created a façade of quantifiable risks; Global entropy and Complexity cascades are illustrating that the world is far more uncertain. The quantitative models in finance, business, economics, and politics that gained dominance during Apex neoliberalism generally have performed poorly as Global entropy has become more pronounced, a trend that is likely to sustain as uncertainty rises further. Scenario analysis and “satisficing” are the only proven frameworks for dealing with uncertainty.

Politics of Rage

The proletariat want their franchise back

Four decades ago, globalization and increasing economic returns to intellectual capital opened a fissure between elites and everyone else, especially in more developed economies. The economic and political consequences of Apex neoliberalism widened this fissure into a chasm of mistrust that has resulted in the political turmoil that engulfed most advanced economies in the last decade. Contrary to conventional wisdom, its causes derive more from perceived and actual political disenfranchisement than economic distress and inequality. Trends in the former suggest the wave is not near cresting, implying sustained socio-political, geopolitical and economic disruptions.

$Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere

FX herding cures “fear of floating”

The “co-prosperity sphere” of bloc managed exchange rates centered around Chinese trade and the US financial system, alternatively known as Bretton Woods II or Chimerica, dramatically reoriented global supply chains, supported emerging markets’ financial development and economic boom of the 2000s, drove much of the dollar’s 2002-’11 depreciation, and ultimately likely caused the Global Financial Crisis. Emerging market crises of the late 1990s marked the final chapter in the Bretton Woods exchange rate system. Yet “Fear of floating” persisted until China’s Mercantilism and contemporaneous accession to WTO provided an alternative: exchange rates managed by “herd” or by “pack”. Hiding within the herd provided financial stability for China’s EM trading partners, while simultaneously allowing them hunt as a pack for foreign direct investment and supply-chain dominance. The size and rapid growth of the co-prosperity sphere distorted the global economy like a massive stellar object warps space-time. Collective suppression of exchange rates and domestic cost of capital diverted supply chain growth into the bloc, while attendant reserve accumulation led to a surge in demand for “safe” core economy bonds. The former undermined returns to capital in traded goods production outside the bloc and the latter depressed interest rates on “safe” US debt, encouraging overinvestment in non-traded goods like housing. (Note: I labeled this phenomenon “the dollar bloc” when I first wrote about it in 2003-04, but later referred to it as “the co-prosperity sphere”.)

Mercantilism (with Chinese Characteristics)

State capitalism’s unintended costs

China’s 1994-2012 “miracle” that lifted nearly a billion people out of poverty and its current growth problems both originate in its extreme application of the mercantilist “Asian growth model” originated by Japan and later copied by Asia’s “Tigers”. A combination of capital controls, protectionism, domestic financial repression, and industrial policy direct underpriced capital to favored industries that promote rapid capital accumulation and development by leveraging external demand (and technology) from advanced economies. Rapid development and convergence comes at cost, however. Underpriced capital and exchange rates lead to distortive overinvestment. Those losses are realized either abruptly and painfully through write downs – like those enforced on late-‘90s Asian Crisis economies by the IMF – or, if the economy can self fund, are “amortized” as lost future growth. Japan’s lost decade and China’s current funk are examples of the amortization path of economic loss.

Apex neoliberalism

Liberal capital democracy’s pyrrhic victory

Rapid global growth, particularly in the less developed world, “hyperglobalized” production and the growth of inter-governmental coordination derive substantively from the triumph of neoliberalism that followed the collapse of its ideological competitors with the Soviet Union’s fall and emerging market crises of the 1990s. But so too did the seeds of its undoing: The Politics of Rage, Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics), Missingflation, and ultimately Global entropy. Rapid adoption of Western economic institutions and trade mechanisms followed from neoliberalism’s victory, promoting a world of hyperglobalization: ever-more dispersed but integrated global supply chains, just-in-time industrial processes with reduced redundancy, unfettered cross-border capital flows, and uniform rules that increased the influence of international institutions, non-governmental organizations and multinationals at the expense of local political control and less-skilled citizenry. Resultant uniformity and coincident digitization created a façade of certainty and quantification, promoting an overreliance on quantitative methods in decision processes, risk control and forecasting.

Economic and market phenomena:

Economic & market forecasts
  • The continued fall in US real rates through the 2000s and early 2010s. Themes & framework: Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and the associated $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere undermined the marginal product of capital in the US while simultaneously increasing non-US demand for US Treasuries.
  • Emerging market outperformance in the 2000s. Themes & framework: Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) drove both the development of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere and the commodity supercycle, while Apex neoliberalism supported institutional reforms that lowered EM risk premia, all of which encouraged foreign direct investment that raised productivity and led to rapid economic growth.
  • The end of emerging markets’ “original sin” and growth of EM local bond markets, a development supported by a G7 initiative that I led at the US Treasury. Themes & framework: The $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere provided a new stability in many EM exchange rates while institutional reforms undertaken by many as part of Apex neoliberalism lowered EM risk premia.
  • The Global Financial Crisis (albeit see admission of errors below). Themes & framework: Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere simultaneously increased incentives for debt finance in the US (as demand for “safe” USD bonds rose globally) while undermining US means of repayment as the US marginal product of capital in traded goods fell. Combined with poorly designed bank regulation that allowed banks to leverage themselves well beyond regulators’ intent (Apex neoliberalism), “complexity cascaded”.
  • The failure of QE to generate post-GFC inflation. Themes & framework: Believing is being: inflation expectations were stable to falling amid deleveraging and associated lethargic income growth, lowering real interest rates as nominal rates were pinned at the zero lower bound, and implying sustained weak money demand. Stuffing banks with more reserves changed none of those variables. As Keynes described seven decades earlier – in the absence of negative nominal rates – monetary policy at the zero lower bound is equivalent to “pushing on a string”.
  • The lack of effect of balance sheet runoff on interest rates. Themes & framework: Believing is being and portfolio theory rejected the then dominant “portfolio balance” theory of QE. QE was a credible commitment by central banks to keep rates on hold, suppressing expectations for future rates and thus the yield curve. This is why the “Taper Tantrum” had its largest effects on 3-5 year forward rates as expectations for rates hiked rose, while long-dated forward rates fell. Measures of long-dated term premia continued to fall as the Fed reduced its balance sheet.
  • Peak Chinese growth in 2011. Themes & framework: Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) led to unsustainable contributions of investment to GDP and a collapse in China’s marginal product of capital amid historically large debt to GDP, a phenomenon that peaked with China’s 50% surge in domestic credit in response to the GFC. Domestic funding of its debt trapped China within its own financial repression scheme, frustrating its efforts to unwind its $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere and internationalization the renminbi as a closed capital account is required to avoid savings flight and a collapse of the debt bubble. This self-funded debt bubble implies that losses from consequent overinvestment are “amortized” in the form of slower growth.
  • Emerging Market underperformance of the last decade (and likely future decade). Themes & framework: Institutional reform in EM peaked with US policy credibility before the GFC under Apex neoliberalism; China’s peak within Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) in 2011 and the associated end of the commodity supercycle ended the “pack” economic benefits of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere, while simultaneously the advent of Localization began to shift production back to advanced economies. Amid stagnating growth and backsliding reforms, EM FX and asset prices looked (and continue to look) overvalued and risk spreads remain too thin.
  • Falling USD reserve share in the 2000s and a rising share since peak China. Themes & framework: The massive reserve accumulation required to sustain undervalution of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere came to be seen as “sovereign wealth” that required diversification, rather than a liquidity store for crises, and led to a consequent fall in the USD share of reserves. Yet the greater financial openness and cross-border claims that accompanied the Apex neoliberalism necessarily implied a proportional increase in capital outflows in periods of risk aversion; i.e. historically large reserves were not as large as perceived in reality. As China and the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere slowed after 2011, and Global entropy increased Uncertainty with attendant effects on risk aversion, emerging markets learned painfully in 2014 that reserves were neither excess nor sovereign wealth, but instead necessary liquidity, and that the USD’s safe haven properties were unparalleled.
  • Low and falling inflation throughout the 2010s. Themes & framework: Missingflation, the unexplained trend component of global inflation that had led to two decades of inflation overforecasting by economists, showed no signs of abating and seemed to be caused by a continued slide in inflation expectations (Believing is being) as central banks struggled with the zero lower bound. The end of the trend would require both for central banks to make more credible commitment to raise inflation in conjunction with a sustained positive inflation shock.
  • The (trend) bottoming of long-term US real rates, higher-than-expected peak in Fed funds rates and US equity outperformance in the last decade. Themes & framework: China’s peak in 2011 under Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and the dissolution of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere ended the trend of falling US real rates they had created. But it wasn’t until Localization gathered sufficient steam – and the US private sector had deleveraged – that US openness and technological leadership sufficiently raised US returns to capital to support a rise in US real rates. The Trump administration’s political support (Politics of Rage) for Localization gave another nudge to US relative returns to capital, and Covid again accelerated these phenomena further (and likely more sustainably).
  • The capitulation of Saudi Arabia’s price leadership/management in 2014 in the face of surging US tight oil production leading to lower and more volatile crude oil prices. Themes & framework: The end of the commodity supercycle brought about by peak China under Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) paused relentless crude oil demand growth, allowing innovation and a business-friendly US regime to undermined Saudi Arabia’s price leadership with tight oil production. Cartel dynamics combined with Saudi Arabia’s long-run price maximization led to a collapse in Saudi-enforced OPEC discipline, and lower, more volatile crude oil prices.
  • Financial volatility’s shift to a lower median level with more frequent, shorter explosions during the last decade. Themes & framework: Rising Uncertainty in politics (Politics of Rage), geopolitics (Global entropy), technology (Localization), and policy (Missingflation) amid Complexity cascades shifted the relative shares of total risk away from quantifiable sources towards unquantifiable sources; the counter-intuitive implication of rising uncertainty is lower median volatility as active risk taking retreats in information lulls, with violent explosions of price activity when new information is revealed.
  • Persistence of post-Covid supply constraints and sustainable inflation supported by rearview-mirror central bank policies leading to a flip in the direction of Missingflation. Themes & framework: Covid simultaneously accelerated both the economic and political motivations for Localization, caused a permanent shift in the structure of global demand, and disrupted existing global supply chains. Short-run aggregate supply could not adjust to the jump in investment and shift in demand quickly enough, creating prolonged shortages and the need for prices to curtail demand. The associated cost-push inflation was all the spark needed to ignite Believing is being changes in inflation expectation driven by central banks’ backward-looking policies based on a lack of understanding of Missingflation.
  • The Fed’s post-Covid rate cycle would be more like 1994 than the post-2000 gradualist cycles (a call I made in early 2021). Themes & framework: The intent of the Fed’s FAIT policy always was to boost long-run inflation expectations by falling “behind the curve” on inflation. Yet their lack of understanding of the causes of Missingflation and insufficient faith in their own ability to generate Believing is being kept them focused on “fighting the last war” too long, allowing inflation to run too hot, too quickly. But contrary to market conventional wisdom, inflation is deeply politically unpopular in an aging society and no central banker wants to be remembered as failing to control inflation. Accordingly, the Fed (eventually) will react forcefully to contain the Believing is being genie they underestimated.
  • Consistent underperformance of European economy, assets and the euro since the Global Financial Crisis. Themes & framework: Relative to trend growth, Europe was more highly indebted than the US, yet European policymakers too long considered the GFC an “American problem”. Combined with Europe’s greater institutional rigidities and a reluctance to write down bad assets, it would take proportionately longer to achieve necessary deleveraging. China’s 2011 peak within Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and the rise of Localization undermined all parts of Europe: the globalization-dependent South and China-dependent North, while inflexibility and low levels of technological innovation inhibit Europe’s ability to adjust to the new global economic order.
  • UK outperformance of consensus Brexit forecasts. Themes & framework: Consensus forecast for post-Brexit UK were based on three flawed assumptions (due to underappreciation of themes!). First, by ignoring emergent Localization, growth forecasts grounded in Apex neoliberalism wrongly assumed globalization would continue to be a major driver of economic growth. Second, the consensus failed to acknowledge the UK’s long-run structural competitiveness: world-leading universities providing a technological edge in Localization; and strong, enduring institutions offering safety and stability amid Global entropy and rising Uncertainty. Third, the consensus, ironically, ignored the largest driver of trade (by a wide margin) in their own models: “gravity”, or proximity to trading partners. Network effects are extraordinarily powerful in trade and difficult to overcome.
  • Importance and implications for markets of Scottish independence referendum in 2014. Themes & framework: As one of the earliest manifestations of the Politics of Rage and its demands for greater political representation, the Scottish referendum was an unanticipated shock to markets and one of the first signs of Global entropy and the Uncertainty to come.

Foreign exchange forecasts:

Foreign exchange forecasts
  • The dollar’s trend fall 2002-’11. Themes & framework: The effects of the $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere on relative returns to capital, balance of payments and the effects of “diversification” as sovereign reserves evolved into sovereign wealth.

  • The dollar’s trend turn in 2011, surge 2014-2016, and counter-consensus strength in 2018 and 2021 (I was the only sell-side analyst to forecast USD strength in 2021). Themes & framework: The same forces driving the US real rates higher in the last several years – the end of Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and its associated $Bloc/Chinese co-prosperity sphere, disproportionate benefit to the US from accelerating Localization, Global entropy and Complexity cascades, all played out in the USD, too, with added support from increased safe haven demand for the greenback due to rising Uncertainty brought about by Global entropy and Complexity cascades.

  • The euro’s plunge from $1.36 in mid 2014 to $1.05 in early 2015. Themes & framework: Reluctant deleveraging from the Global Financial Crisis combined with the sharp deterioration in European returns to capital following China’s peak within Mercantilism (with Chinese characteristics) and the shift to Localization from globalization implied a sharply lower real value of the euro. When ECB President Draghi ruled out the deflationary (1990s Japan) path to devaluation with his commitment to “whatever it takes”, Believing is being implied an immediate and massive change in the nominal value of the euro was required as the expected path for domestic prices flipped.

  • The yen’s surge from above 120 per dollar to below 105 in H1 2016. Themes & framework: Abenomics’ biggest success was its Believing is being commitment to reflate Japan’s economy, leading to a sharp depreciation of the nominal yen as expected future deflation was unwound. But yen depreciation included an “overshoot” to compensate for the risks that inflation might overshoot. The Bank of Japan’s tacit admission that “Quantitative & Qualitative Easing” could not create sufficient inflation with its December 2015 adoption of negative interest rates implied a rapid unwind of the overshoot given the yen’s deep undervaluation as beliefs shifted again.

  • The pound sterling’s pre-EU referendum fall to $1.40, post-referendum floor near $1.20, and its post-Brexit rebound above $1.30. Themes & framework: A steep risk premium in sterling was required to compensate for the Uncertainty induced by the Politics of Rage driven jolt. Yet, 1.20 represented a 60+ year low in purchasing power parity and seemed to undervalue the UK’s long-run structural assets – strong institutions, top global universities, leading tech industry – all of which were appreciating in value in a world of Localization, Global entropy, broader Uncertainty, and rising potential for Complexity cascades.

Political forecasts:

  • Political instability in Russia and China in 2023: Clash of the Themes.

  • Brexit 2016. Themes & framework: The chasm between elites (including those in markets) and ordinary citizens over the latter’s sense of disenfranchisement, the fundamental cause of the Politics of Rage, was clear well before the referendum and strongly suggested that bias in polling turnout models could fully account for the polls’ projected margin of defeat.

  • Trump 2016. Themes & framework: Record pre-election postal votes from registered independents (for whom no party seeks to “get out the vote”) suggested that, as with Brexit, the Politics of Rage’s disenfranchised and unaccounted for voters would be sufficient to overcome the (narrow) projected margin of loss.

  • Marine Le Pen’s 2017 success in reaching the run-off but ultimate failure to win French presidency. Themes & framework: The Politics of Rage framework suggested an undercounting of both Le Pen and left-wing populists’ support, giving her a clear path to the second round. But her projected margin of loss in the general election was far too large to be due solely to turnout bias, implying no chance of second-round success, particularly with left-wing populist voters dropping out or shifting support to Macron.

  • Trump narrow loss, post-election conflict 2020. Themes & framework: Pollsters’ mistaken focus on education levels as the source of their 2016 turnout errors rather than on (mis)trust driven by the Politics of Rage implied polls still were biased. Large shifts in minority voters towards Trump and unusually high “undecided” voters late in a highly polarized election also suggested the magnitude of Trump’s outperformance would be large (indeed, it was larger than 2016). But the margin to overcome also was much wider in 2020, suggesting a close loss by Trump. Increasing polarization and mistrust on both sides implied a violent reaction by a minority, whichever side lost.

Admission of errors:

I get things wrong, too, but hopefully am the wiser for it. This list is far from complete, but represents some of the ones that both stung and taught me the most.

  • Failing to specify financial institutions as at risk from credit trauma in 2023. While I did highlight that the most predictable source of for 2023 would be credit events following the massive rise in interest rates in 2022 (Debt reality versus perceptions), I didn’t specifically identify banks and other financial institutions as especially vulnerable, which proved to be the case with the failure of a few regional US banks in March 2023. Lessons learnt: Sometimes one’s focus on the underlying causes blinds to the obvious consequences, and levered entities with broad exposure will always be at risk from any traumas within an economy, even if sector or region specific.

  • Not seeing the Global Financial Crisis sooner. I saw the GFC earlier than many, but the extent of the financial system’s capital shortfall eluded me far longer than it should have. At the US Treasury from 2006 through early 2008 I was responsible for assessing foreign financial risks (sadly, institutional territorialism prevented an integrated approach with my domestic-side colleagues that may have focused more attention on off-balance-sheet financing of US housing). I chaired meeting after meeting in 2006-‘07 with market professionals, academics, regulators, and other policymakers where a noisy minority of participants argued that historic levels of debt to GDP implied an impending crisis. Yet when I challenged them to explain a channel of transmission, what would be the tipping point, why it had not occurred already, or to present evidence that bank capital was insufficient to absorb even an historic drop in US housing prices, none – including some who have become very famous for “calling” the GFC – could do so. Ultimately, it was the behavior of banks in funding markets in mid-to-late 2007 that clued me in that banks’ capital bases might not be what they purported (or, equivalently, contingent liabilities off balance sheet were far larger than people understood). What I had not done – nor, apparently had any of the “experts” I consulted in those years – was the detailed micro-level analysis that the protagonists of The Big Short had done (kudos to them). Lessons learnt: 1. “Macro” analysis often requires “micro foundations”; 2. many people claim expertise, don’t rely on it without evidence; and 3. notwithstanding (2), even if they can’t explain it, pay attention when a gathering minority claim to smell smoke. (Implicit lesson 4: don’t assume that the left hand is talking to the right hand in any organization.)

  • Losing my nerve at the bottom of markets in 2009. My framework helped me to correctly call the bottom in credit markets in January 2009 and recommend to the distressed debt fund I then worked for that we aggressively buy leveraged loans. But on market research mission in late February, I got spooked by US Treasury and Fed officials I met in New York and Washington. Throwing my framework out the window, on 6 March 2009, the exact day the S&P 500 hit its 666 low, I wrote a memo urging the fund to sell SPX futures as a hedge on its market exposure. Lessons learnt: 1. Never abandon your framework; and 2. don’t assume someone’s position or pedigree alone gives them an informational or analytical advantage: demand reasons and evidence.

  • Missing the euro’s partial rebound in 2017; indeed, I forecast it lower! I failed to acknowledge the extent of the uptick in economic activity, and importantly, the credit growth that the ECB’s “anything it takes” policy was generating. This one stung as I was a strong believer in then-President Mario Draghi’s approach and had previously highlighted credit expansion as a key metric of success. Lessons learnt: Keep your eyes on the ball and regularly check to see if any of the ex ante conditions established for changing your mind have been met.

  • Dollar weakness in summer 2020. Another one that really stings. Having correctly forecast that Covid-induced Uncertainty would lead to a surge in the USD as everyone scrambled for high-quality assets and liquidity in March-April 2020, I then failed to incorporate the unwind of that flight to quality as risk tolerance returned once the panic subsided. Lesson learnt: Sadly, the same as 2017 dollar lesson: Keep your eyes on the ball and mind your pre-established conditions for turning points.

  • I completely missed the Fed’s mini easing cycle in 2019. While we will never know and Covid eviscerated my chance at redemption, I still believe the Fed’s easing was not merited and likely would have necessitated more aggressive hiking later had the Covid crisis not intervened. The US economy continued to grow strongly in 2019, investment held up, and while headline inflation moderated somewhat, bottlenecks were generating rapid acceleration in a number of CPI subcomponents. But even if I was right on the economy, the FOMC sets policy and I failed to listen to them, particularly the increasing support for average inflation targeting. Lessons learnt: Policymakers set policy, listen to them even if you think they’re wrong.

  • Underestimating Jeremy Corbyn in the 2017 UK general election. I expected a small Conservative victory based on then Prime Minister Theresa May’s outreach to the working class and the Labour Party’s anti-Brexit tone. What I failed to notice was that Mr. Corbyn’s grass-roots campaign cleverly focused on local bread-and-butter issues and greater political devolution, directly addressing one of the primary drivers of the Politics of Rage: a widening sense of political disenfranchisement among the average citizenry. Corbyn’s tangible policies and outreach – which he largely abandoned in his losing 2019 campaign – easily trumped Ms. May’s intangible rhetoric as “hidden” Brexit voters didn’t trust her. Lessons learnt: Again, “macro” analysis needs “micro foundations”, particularly in politics; ignore at your own peril.

  • Texas Governor Rick Perry to win the 2012 Republican nomination and beat President Barack Obama in the general election. The foundations of the Politics of Rage were already well apparent by the 2012 election and Rick Perry’s campaign was well tuned to court the rising sense of disenfranchisement of working-class voters, particularly in Appalachia, and increasing distrust of institutional expertise across voters. Many of those voters were Democrats who were disappointed with the lack of “Hope and Change” promised by President Obama, making him vulnerable to any Republican who could attract a significant number of Democratic voters. Governor Perry’s bigger challenge appeared to be winning the Republican nomination, but his solid conservative credentials and popularity in the second-largest state suggested he would eek it out. Who knew he would self-immolate in a nationally televised debate? Lessons learnt: Themes are important – Trump proved the Politics of Rage four years later – but idiosyncratic risks always are present.